Opening address delivered at the roundtable discussion ”In the Nordics We Trust: Trust as a Regional Asset and Recipe for Resilience and Unity”, arranged by Stockholm Free World Forum (Frivärld) in Copenhagen on 12 May 2026.
The idea of Nordic integration and solidarity – Nordism, as we call it – has had its high points throughout history. “All men on deck, a brother in need”, wrote Henrik Ibsen in 1871, giving voice to the Nordic cultural elite, who urged their countries to come to Denmark’s aid during the German-Danish War.
The Soviet Union’s attack on Finland in 1939 created a similar wave of Nordic solidarity, as did the aftermath of the Second World War, when many of the institutions – such as the Nordic Council and the Nordic council of ministers – that still carry Nordic cooperation were born.
Some of the initiatives launched after the war were realized, such as the common Nordic labor market and passport-free travel. Others were not, such as the Nordic Defense Union, where Norway and Denmark chose NATO, while Finland and Sweden remained neutral, and the economic union Nordek, where Denmark—and later also Finland and Sweden—became members of the EU, while Norway and Iceland chose to remain outside and several other high-flying ideas.
These failed initiatives gave the idea of Nordic integration a reputation of beeing an area for nostalgia, ceremonial speeches but without action and results. The swelling Nordism from the the late 19th century and 1940:ies gradually faded. Meanwhile, without big words, Nordic cultural life and business life, not least, continued to integrate, so that companies and entire industries – such as retail, banking, media and telecom- now often are pan-Nordic.
At the same time, the Nordic countries have politically continued, each in their own way, to cultivate a self-image that is largely shared: We are small countries, often happy to remain in the back seat , unless we are mediating other people’s conflicts, and quite content with the fact that our countries rank at the top of most indexes—whether it is life expectancy, health, equality, human rights, freedom of press, or even happiness. And tax rates, of course.
Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine became a Zeitenwende for the Nordic region as well. The Baltics had been right all along. The realization that our large neighbor to the east has aggressive and imperial ambitions brought 30 years of disarmament – with Finland as the wise exception – to an end, and all of the Nordic countries are now members of NATO.
The Nordic region also shares two of the world’s major security hotspots—the Arctic and the Baltic Sea—so deeper integration of defense and security policy is natural, within the Nordics, but also with the Baltics in the so-called NB8 framework, and with Poland and Germany.
But this zeitenwende could also be the beginning of a rebirth and a new era of Nordism – Nordic integration in a broader sense than purely defense policy— but this time built on hard realism rather than idealism.
Because if we now live in an era of strong and transactional power, where economic and military weight matter more than shared ideals, the Nordic countries must think beyond the self-image of being small and peaceful nations with a high quality of life.
We certainly are that—but together we also have an economy the size of a G10 country. Together we are a medium-sized power, to use Mark Carney’s terminology. We have strong public finances, stable institutions, almost perfectly complementary economies, and a business sector with leading global companies far above our weight class.
The cultural barriers to integration between these countries are also smaller than they are between most others—and even within many individual nations.
If you’ve seen the pictures of when the Nordic prime ministers and Finland’s president met to discuss the Greenland crisis some months ago, you know what I mean. The image is almost symbolic. The prime ministers and the president are sitting with a some beers and danish smørrebrøds around Mette Frederiksen’s kitchen table discussing measures to support Denmark. Not a conference table, no translators or advisors around. The setting looks more like a family gathering planning how to organize next week’s rides to the kid’s football training and piano lessons, than a high-level summit of heads of government.
This great conditions for further integration, becomes even more important because the values now under threat from both west and east are precisely those that are universal in the Nordic region and form the foundation of our societies: liberal values such of democracy and freedom of speech; the separation between political power, business, and public institutions; a rules-based world order; and free trade.
So this is the starting point. I hope this roundtable discussion can give us some great ideas—and perhaps some contributions on the “how’s”:
- How can the Nordics further integrate our defense and security policy, together and with our friends and neighbors with shared geography—such as the Baltics, Poland, and Germany around the Baltic Sea, and Canada and the UK in the North Atlantic and the Arctic?
- How can the Nordics—where these values have a more stable foundation than perhaps anywhere else in the world—become a stronger force and voice for liberal values, free trade, and a rules-based world order?
- How can the Nordics become a driving force and an example of a revitalization of the EU in terms of innovation, competitiveness, venture capital, and entrepreneurship—areas where EU needs to step up and we are better than the average?
Odd Eiken has held a number of senior roles, including serving as Undersecretary of State in the Swedish government, and as Vice President at both Scania and SEB (Skandinaviska Eskilda Banken). He has also founded several companies. Today, he works as a board professional and strategic advisor.
